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序号	标题 / 预览内容	原文长度	来源	发布时间入库时间	下载
3206686	有图 <p>7月の各党の支持率です。</p> <p> NHK世論調査 <p>内閣支持率政党支持率の時系列グラフはこちら</p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20250714/K10014862701_2507141057_0714105805_02_02.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p> <p>「自民党」が24.0％、「立憲民主党」が7.8％、「日本維新の会」が3.1％、「公明党」が3.5％、「国民民主党」が4.9％、「共産党」が3.0％、「れいわ新選組」が2.8％、「参政党」が5.9％、「日本保守党」が1.4％、「社民党」が0.7％、「特に支持している政党はない」が33.7％でした。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>自民党の政党支持率は先週の調査から4.1ポイント下がって24.0％で、2012年12月の自民党の政権復帰以降で最も低くなっています。</p><p>一方、野党側は、立憲民主党が7.8％、国民民主党が4.9％でともにほぼ横ばいだったのに対し、参政党は1.7ポイント上がって5.9％でした。</p><p>男女別で見ますと、国民民主党と参政党は、男性の支持率が女性の支持率をそれぞれ4ポイントほど上回っています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> 注）層別分析をする場合は各層の人数が100人以上であることを目安としています。 </p> </p> 政党支持率自民は政権復帰後最低24.0％立民7.8％参政5.9％参議院選挙前NHK世論調査 \| NHK \| 参議院選挙	查看 1092	日本广播协会	2025-07-14 19:02:38 2025-07-15 00:25:56	word
3206685	有图 <p>全国のスーパーで今月6日までの1週間に販売されたコメの平均価格は、5キロあたり税込みで3602円と、前の週から70円値下がりしました。値下がりは7週連続で、農林水産省は随意契約の備蓄米の販売が進んでいることが背景にあるとしています。</p><p>ただ、これまでと比べるとコメの平均価格は依然高い水準です。今後、注目されるのは、ことしの新米が出回った時に、価格をどのように安定させるかです。卸売会社やコメ農家は今後の価格動向をどう見ているのか、取材しました。</p> <p> <p> 目次 <p>スーパーへの販売価格引き下げ検討する卸売会社も</p> <p>農家は銘柄米さらなる値下がりに懸念も</p> <p> <p>「早場米」産地では “新米も高値続く” 見方も</p> <p> <p>NEW</p> </p> <p>農水省コメ収穫量増加見込み“生産意欲高まった結果か”</p> </p> 目次を開く </p> <p> 目次<img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/icon-toc-01.svg" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>目次</p> <p> <p>スーパーへの販売価格引き下げ検討する卸売会社も</p> <p>農家は銘柄米さらなる値下がりに懸念も</p> <p>「早場米」産地では “新米も高値続く” 見方も</p> <p> <p>NEW</p> </p> <p>農水省コメ収穫量増加見込み“生産意欲高まった結果か”</p> </p> <p> </p> <i></i> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>農林水産省は全国のスーパー、およそ1000店でのコメの販売価格をまとめ、毎週、公表しています。</p><p>それによりますと、先月30日から今月6日までの1週間に販売されたコメの平均価格は、5キロあたり税込みで3602円と、前の週から70円値下がりしました。</p><p>値下がりは7週連続で、農林水産省は随意契約の備蓄米の販売が進んでいることが背景にあるとしています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>このうち、備蓄米を含むブレンド米などの平均価格は5キロあたり税込み3119円と前の週から93円値下がりしました。</p><p>一方、産地と品種が単一の銘柄米は4273円と前の週から17円値下がりしたもののブレンド米などより値下がり幅は小さく、価格の差は徐々に広がっています。</p> </p> </p> <p> スーパーへの販売価格引き下げ検討する卸売会社も <p> <p>随意契約による備蓄米の販売が進むなか、卸売会社の中には銘柄米の仕入れ価格も下がってきたことから、今後、スーパーなどへの販売価格の引き下げを検討しているところもあります。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>新潟県長岡市のコメの卸売会社は、3つの小売業者から随意契約の備蓄米の精米を委託されていて、工場をフル稼働させ対応にあたっています。</p><p>こうしたなか高値が続いている銘柄米について、備蓄米の販売が進むにつれ、取り引きのある集荷業者などから提示される価格が下がってきているということです。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>具体的には、秋田県産の「あきたこまち」が5月中旬に60キロで4万8000円余りでしたが、先月下旬には3万2000円余りに下がってきているということです。</p><p>このため会社では、今後、取引先のスーパーやドラッグストアなどのほか、自社の店頭での販売価格を引き下げることを検討しています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> </p> <p> <p> <p>コメ卸売会社野上茂会長</p><p>「安定した価格で仕入れたものと高い時期に買ったものの両方があるので、上手に調整しながら価格も下げていきたい。ただ、新米については穂が出始めても雨が降らず35度くらいの気温が続くと、作柄が良くなくなるので懸念している。コメが不足して、また市場で多くの業者が買いに入ると価格も高くなってしまう。適正価格を維持して消費者にお米を食べてもらいたい」</p> </p> </p> <p> 農家は銘柄米さらなる値下がりに懸念も <p> <p>スーパーなどで販売されるコメの値下がりが続く中、米どころの宮城県の農家からはさらなる下落を心配する声が出始めています。</p><p>宮城県大崎市のコメ農家、鈴木史人さんは42ヘクタールで「ひとめぼれ」や「ササニシキ」などを栽培していて、いまのところ生育は順調だということです。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>鈴木さんによりますと、去年はコメを求める知らない集荷業者からの問い合わせが相次ぎましたが、ことしは最近までそうした動きはないということです。</p><p>随意契約の備蓄米の販売が進んでいることを背景にスーパーなどで販売されるコメの値下がりが続く中、鈴木さんは、農業機械や肥料など生産コストの上昇は続いているとしています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> </p> <p> <p> <p>鈴木史人さん</p><p>「今の水準であればいいが、コメの価格が今以上に下がると再生産が難しくなってしまう。銘柄米の価格が下がってきているのでちょっと心配だ」</p><p>「生産費が上昇する中で価格をどんどん下げるという話になると生産には困る状況になる。消費者も大丈夫だというコメの価格は5キロ3000円台半ばではないかと思うので、その水準であれば農家も計画を立てて経営ができる」</p> </p> </p> <p> 「早場米」産地では “新米も高値続く” 見方も <p> <p>一方、収穫時期が早い「早場米」の産地として知られる愛媛県の愛南町では、JAから示された買取価格が去年の1.7倍となっているため農家の間ではことしの新米も高値が続くという見方が出ています。</p><p>愛南町は、毎年、8月上旬ごろから収穫時期を迎える「早場米」の産地として知られています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>30年以上、コシヒカリなどを生産する農家の孝野覚也さんは、ことし暑さの影響も懸念していましたが、生育はおおむね順調で、8ヘクタールの田んぼでは稲が色づき始めています。</p><p>孝野さんによりますと、主な出荷先のJAから示されていることしの買取価格は、去年と比べて1.7倍ほどの60キロあたりおよそ2万8000円で、個人向けや業者向けも、この価格が基準になるということです。</p><p>愛媛県内でも随意契約による備蓄米の流通が進んでいますが、引き続き銘柄米は高値で販売されているほか、孝野さんのところにもこれまで取り引きがなかった松山市の業者から注文が来ていることなどから、ことしの新米も高値が続くと見ています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> </p> <p> <p> <p>孝野覚也さん</p><p>「お客さんには心苦しいところもありますが、以前、コメの価格が下がりすぎたときにはコメ作りをやめようかと思ったこともあったほどで、価格がこれぐらいの水準なら続けられると思います。価格が高いとコメ離れが進むことも心配ですが、おいしいと言ってもらえるコメを届けたいです」</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> NEW </p> 農水省コメ収穫量増加見込み“生産意欲高まった結果か” <p> <p>農林水産省によりますと、ことしの主食用のコメの作付面積は6月末時点の速報値で136万3000ヘクタールになる見込みだと明らかにしました。</p><p>4月末の調査より2万9000ヘクタール、前の年の実績と比べると10万4000ヘクタール増え、この5年間で最大になる見通しだということです。</p><p>この作付面積に平年の収穫量を掛け合わせたことしの収穫量の見通しは735万トンになり、4月末から16万トン増え、去年より56万トン増えると見込んでいます。</p><p>農林水産省は「コメの価格が高いことで農家の間で主食用のコメの生産意欲が高まった結果ではないか」としています。</p> </p> </p> </p> スーパーの米平均価格 5キロあたり3602円備蓄米の販売進んだか 7週連続で値下がり農家や卸売会社は？ \| NHK \| コメ	查看 5723	日本广播协会	2025-07-14 19:35:58 2025-07-15 00:25:56	word
3206684	有图 <p>2024年12月に韓国の空港で旅客機が胴体着陸して炎上し、179人が死亡した事故では、バードストライクが起きていましたが、このときと同じ種類の鳥が日本国内で急増し、国土交通省が航空機の安全上最も危険な鳥のひとつだとして、全国の空港などに注意を呼びかけたことがわかりました。</p> <p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>2024年12月、韓国南西部のムアン（務安）空港で、チェジュ航空の旅客機が胴体着陸して炎上し、乗客乗員179人が死亡した事故では、機体の2つのエンジンから鳥の羽根と血が見つかり、バードストライクが起きていたことがわかっています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>DNA鑑定の結果、衝突した鳥は、ロシアで繁殖し冬に朝鮮半島や中国、日本に南下する「トモエガモ」で、日本の環境省が毎年1月に全国で行う2週間の調査では、2020年度には2万羽余りだったのが、2024年度は14万羽余り確認されていて、5年間で6倍以上に急増しています。</p><p>こうしたことを受けて、バードストライクの対策を話し合う国の検討委員会が、ことし3月、トモエガモを注意が必要な「問題鳥種」に指定したことが、国土交通省への取材でわかりました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>そのうえで、国土交通省が、航空機の安全上最も危険な鳥のひとつだとして、全国107の空港とヘリポートに対し注意を呼びかける通知を出しました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>通知では「トモエガモ」は非常に大きな密集した群れを形成するため、航空機に一度に複数が衝突するおそれがあるうえ、カモの中では体重が重く、機体が損傷する確率が極めて高いとしています。</p><p>そして、▽島根県の出雲空港のすぐ隣にある宍道湖、▽千葉県の成田空港から近い印旛沼、▽佐賀県の佐賀空港に近い諫早湾には、近年、大群が訪れていて、これらの空港では特に注意する必要があるとしています。</p><p>対策については、大群の場合は黒い雲のようで比較的見つけやすいため、管制塔や操縦席から群れを探すなどと記載しています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>バードストライクやトモエガモについて、国土交通省の担当者などに話を聞きました。</p><p>Q. そもそもバードストライクとはどういう現象のことですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 航空機の胴体やエンジンに鳥が衝突することをいいます。</p><p>高度が低く、比較的スピードが遅い離陸と着陸の時によく起こるとされています。</p><p>衝突すると機体が傷ついて運航に影響が出ることがあるほか、最悪の場合、墜落事故につながる可能性があります。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 墜落事故につながるのはどういうケースですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 最も危険なのはエンジンが関係するときです。</p><p>鳥がエンジンに吸い込まれるとエンジンの出力が低下し、最悪の場合は停止してしまいます。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. バードストライクはどれくらい発生しているのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>A. 国土交通省は2011年から統計を公表しています。</p><p>2011年は1599件、2012年は1710件、2013年は1903件、</p><p>2014年は1967件、2015年は1769件、2016年は1626件、</p><p>2017年は1555件、2018年は1436件、2019年は1575件、</p><p>2020年は970件、2021年は1074件、2022年は1421件、</p><p>2023年は1463件、2024年は1647件でした。</p><p>去年、2024年は過去5番目に多い発生件数でした。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 大きな事故につながったケースはありますか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 国内では墜落事故につながったケースはありません。</p><p>ただ、海外では大きな事故が起きています。</p><p>よく知られているのは「ハドソン川の奇跡」と呼ばれるアメリカニューヨークで起きた事故です。</p><p>2009年1月、当時、運航していたUSエアウェイズの旅客機がニューヨークのマンハッタン近郊の空港から離陸した直後、カナダガンという鳥の群れと衝突し、左右のエンジンが停止しました。</p><p>その後、機体はハドソン川に不時着し、乗客乗員155人全員が救助されました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 今回の「問題鳥種」への指定とは、どういう取り組みなのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 「ハドソン川の奇跡」を受けて、バードストライクの対策への機運が日本国内でも高まりました。</p><p>このとき、各地の空港から「対策をしたいが、どういう鳥が危ないのかわからない、鳥の生態もよくわからない」といった意見が寄せられ、2013年から始まりました。</p><p>バードストライクの対策を専門家が話し合う国の検討委員会は毎年1回開かれていて、ここで「問題鳥種」が指定されます。</p><p>バードストライクの発生件数のほか、飛来数や生態などから専門家が判断して指定します。</p><p>指定すると国土交通省が全国の空港などに対しその鳥の生態やリスク評価、対策などを文書で通知します。</p><p>通知を受けた空港などは必要な対策をとることになっています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. どんな鳥が「問題鳥種」に指定されているのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. トモエガモを含め、トビやコアジサシなど25種類が指定されています。</p><p>トビは全長60センチほど、羽を広げたときの長さは150センチから160センチにもなる大きな鳥で、衝突すると強い衝撃があるため指定されました。</p><p>コアジサシは12年前の2013年、関西空港や中部空港の誘導路周辺に巣を作り、バードストライクが急増しました。</p><p>絶滅危惧種で巣の撤去が難しいことなどから指定されました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. トモエガモはどんな鳥ですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>A. ロシア極東で繁殖して、毎年11月ごろになると朝鮮半島や中国、日本に南下し、3月ごろに再びロシアへ戻る渡り鳥です。</p><p>全長40センチほど、翼を広げると70センチほどの大きさです。</p><p>体重はおよそ400グラムと、カモのなかでは重いほうです。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>ほかのカモと比べて密集した群れをつくり、数十羽で行動することが多いですが、数万から十数万羽の大群になることもあります。</p><p>環境省が絶滅危惧種に指定しています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 日本国内にはどれくらい飛来しているのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>A. 環境省は毎年1月、全国およそ8700地点の湖や沼で2週間にわたって渡り鳥の個体数を調べています。</p><p>ボランティアの調査員が同じ個体を重複して数えないよう調査しています。</p><p>その結果、各地で確認されたトモエガモは、</p><p>2011年度は3838羽、2012年度は3181羽、2013年度は7624羽、</p><p>2014年度は7458羽、2015年度は1946羽、2016年度は2181羽、</p><p>2017年度は1万3025羽、2018年度は1万2502羽、2019年度は3292羽、</p><p>2020年度は2万2006羽、2021年度は2万2124羽、2022年度は4万7919羽、</p><p>2023年度は11万5709羽、2024年度は14万7313羽と、</p><p>急増しています。</p><p>また、NPO法人「バードリサーチ」の全国調査では、2023年10月から2024年3月にかけて38万7836羽が確認されています。</p><p>このときの調査では、佐賀空港に近い諫早湾で14万5720羽、成田空港に近い印旛沼で13万8670羽、出雲空港のすぐ隣にある宍道湖で5万8000羽が確認されています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. なぜ、トモエガモは急増しているのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>A. バードストライクの対策を話し合う検討委員会の委員長で東京大学の樋口広芳名誉教授は「トモエガモの越冬の中心地の中国やロシアで都市開発が進み、住みかがなくなった一部が飛来しているのではないか。また、温暖化の影響でシベリアの氷が早く溶けて繁殖時期が長くなったことや、冬の死亡率が下がったことも影響していると考えられる」と話しています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 具体的な影響は出ているのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 「要注意」というのがいまの段階です。</p><p>なかでも国土交通省が注視しているのが出雲空港です。</p><p>これまで滑走路の周辺で数万羽の群れがうねりながら飛び回る様子が目撃されています。</p><p>えさのどんぐりを食べるために早朝と夕方に数キロ離れた山に向かう習性があり、この際に滑走路を横切ったり周辺を飛び回ったりしています。</p><p>2024年1月には、羽田空港を出発して出雲空港に着陸しようとしていた機体にトモエガモ3羽が衝突しました。</p><p>機体を確認したところ、右の翼などに損傷が見つかり、折り返しの便は欠航しました。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 出雲空港ではどんな対策を取っているのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 花火を打ち上げたり銃の空砲を鳴らしたりする従来の対策はトモエガモには効果がありませんでした。</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>出雲空港管理事務所でバードストライク対策にあたっている真弓浩史管理係長は「びっくりする鳥もいましたが、鳥の数が多すぎてほとんど効果はありませんでした」と振り返ります。</p><p>このため昨シーズンは鳥の状況を確認するパトロールを空港内だけでなく宍道湖周辺にも広げました。</p><p>もともと空港に設置されていたカメラを宍道湖に向け管理事務所の職員が監視することも始めました。</p><p>これらに加えてさらなる対策をとろうと、空港ではいま、急ピッチで準備を進めています。</p><p>進めているのはトモエガモの動きをより早く把握し、関係者に情報共有する体制の構築です。</p><p>宍道湖周辺に向けるカメラを新たに設置し、管理事務所だけでなく管制塔や各航空会社でも同時に見ることができる仕組みの導入を検討しています。</p><p>さらに、2025年度、暗視スコープを購入しました。</p><p>夜間でも素早く動きを把握するためで、管理事務所の屋上から監視し群れで飛んでいるのを発見した場合は、管制官を通じてパイロットに伝える予定です。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 成田空港や佐賀空港はどのような状況なのですか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 成田空港や佐賀空港は飛来が確認されている印旛沼や諌早湾まで距離があるため、トモエガモの行動範囲と航空機の飛行ルートは重なっていません。</p><p>しかし、トモエガモの生態はわかっていないことも多く、今後、行動範囲と飛行ルートが重なる可能性もあるとして国土交通省が注視しています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 今後、どのような対策が必要なのでしょうか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/parts16/images/common/noimg_default.gif" rel="noopener noreferrer"> <p> <p>A. 検討委員会の委員長を務める東京大学の樋口広芳名誉教授は「トモエガモは間違いなく最も危険な鳥種だ。一度航空機に当たると次々に衝突する危険性が高く、大事故につながる可能性がある。えさ場の状況や気温の僅かな変化で生息域が変わるので、注意深く観察を続ける必要がある。一番の問題はたかが鳥だという認識を持ってしまいがちなことで、早期に生態調査を行い、有効的な対策を打ちたい」と話しています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>Q. 飛来する前のいまの時期からできる準備は何でしょうか？</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>A. 樋口名誉教授は「トモエガモが飛来する場所は国内でどんどん広がっていて、どこの空港周辺に来てもおかしくない状況だ。対策のために人や予算をつけるとなると、いまから動く必要がある。各空港はまずトモエガモがどんな鳥かを認識し、周辺の環境なども調査して、一刻も早く対策に乗り出すべきだ」と話しています。</p> </p> </p> </p> 航空機のバードストライク “安全上最も危険な鳥のひとつ”トモエガモ国内で急増国土交通省注意呼びかけ \| NHK \| 航空	查看 8180	日本广播协会	2025-07-14 19:52:47 2025-07-15 00:25:56	word
3206683	无图 <p>14日午後、徳島県阿波市の徳島自動車道で高速バスとトラックが正面衝突して炎上し、バスの乗客1人とトラックの運転手の合わせて2人が死亡したほか、バスに乗っていた12人が重軽傷を負いました。警察は2台のうち、いずれかが対向車線にはみ出したとみて詳しい事故の状況を調べています。</p> <p> <p> <p> <p>14日午後0時半ごろ、徳島県阿波市市場町の徳島自動車道で、高速バスと中型トラックが正面衝突し、バスから火が出て2台とも炎上しました。</p><p>警察によりますと、この事故でバスの乗客1人とトラックの運転手の男性の合わせて2人が死亡したほか、バスの運転手と乗客の合わせて男女12人が重軽傷を負って、14人全員が死傷しました。</p><p>松山市に本社がある伊予鉄バスによりますと、事故があったのは、伊予鉄バスが運行する松山から神戸に向かう高速バスで、午前9時40分に松山市内の営業所を出発して午後2時17分に神戸三宮に到着する予定だったということです。</p><p>警察の調べによりますと、事故があったのは、片側1車線の上り線と下り線がポールで区切られた区間で、上り線を走る高速バスと下り線を走る中型トラックが、車線の中央付近で衝突したとみられるということです。</p><p>警察は2台のうち、いずれかが対向車線にはみ出したとみて詳しい事故の状況を調べています。</p> </p> </p> <p> <p> <p>午後0時半ごろに徳島県阿波市で撮影された徳島自動車道の映像です。道路上でバスとみられるものが激しく焼けていて、赤い炎とともに黒煙が上がっている様子が確認できます。</p><p>映像を撮影した40代の男性は、現場からおよそ2キロほど離れた会社で働いていて「10分から15分ほど白い煙が上がっていたが突然、バスの前方から火が出て一瞬のうちに燃え広がった。バスの外に出ていた乗客らしい人が後方に走っていく様子が見えた」と話していました。</p><p>また、現場からおよそ1キロ離れた阿波市役所の近くにいたという50代の男性は「何かが衝突した音が聞こえて外に出ると高速道路にバスがとまっていて白い煙が上がっていた。しばらくすると大きな音が聞こえてバスが燃えだした」と話していました。</p> </p> </p> <p> 「窓越しにも響く大きな爆発音が2回」 <p> <p>事故現場からおよそ200メートル離れた阿波市役所の2階にいた男性職員は「窓から現場の方向をみると高速バスの屋根の部分が炎に包まれているのがみえた。窓越しにも響くような大きな爆発音が2回聞こえた。窓のそばに職員が集まり、無事を祈りながら見守っていました」と話していました。</p> </p> </p> </p> 徳島道で高速バスとトラックが正面衝突高速バスの乗客1人とトラックの運転手が死亡 \| NHK \| 事故	查看 1299	日本广播协会	2025-07-14 18:45:48 2025-07-15 00:25:56	word
3206682	有图 <p>14日午後8時前、静岡市駿河区で軽自動車が横転するなど突風によるとみられる被害がありました。警察によりますとけがをした人はいないということです。</p> <p> <p> <p> <p>警察や消防によりますと、14日午後8時前、静岡市駿河区で「住宅の瓦が飛んだ」や「突風の影響で車が横転した」などの通報が相次いで寄せられました。</p><p>このうち駿河区泉町では、駐車場に止められていた軽自動車が横倒しになるなど、突風によるものとみられる被害が起きていて、ヘルメットをつけた警察官が車を起こそうとしたり状況を確認したりしていました。</p><p>警察によりますと、この被害でけがをした人はいないということです。</p><p>これを受けて静岡県中部には14日午後9時16分、「竜巻注意情報」が発表されました。</p><p>気象台は突風の被害とみて、15日に現場を詳しく調べることにしています。</p><p>現場はJR静岡駅から南におよそ400メートル離れた住宅やホテル、飲食店などが建ち並ぶ地域です。</p> </p> </p> 竜巻・突風その時前兆は？身の安全を守るには？ <img src="https://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20250714/K10014863291_2507142146_0714215151_02_03.jpg" rel="noopener noreferrer"> </p> 静岡駿河区で突風か軽自動車が横転けが人なし \| NHK \| 気象	查看 748	日本广播协会	2025-07-15 00:00:57 2025-07-15 00:25:56	word
3206681	无图 <p>ウクライナ各地で、ロシア軍の無人機などによる攻撃が繰り返される中、アメリカのトランプ大統領は14日、ウクライナに対し、NATO＝北大西洋条約機構を通じて防空システム「パトリオット」を含む兵器を供与すると表明しました。</p> トランプ大統領ウクライナにNATO通じ「パトリオット」を含む兵器供与と表明 \| NHK \| トランプ大統領	查看 115	日本广播协会	2025-07-15 01:26:18 2025-07-15 00:25:56	word
3206680	无图 <p>気象庁は、さきほど「台風5号が午前2時ごろ、北海道の襟裳岬付近に上陸した」と発表しました。気象庁によりますと、北海道に台風が上陸したのは2016年8月以来です。</p> 台風5号北海道襟裳岬付近に上陸北海道上陸は2016年8月以来 \| NHK \| 台風	查看 87	日本广播协会	2025-07-15 02:18:36 2025-07-15 00:25:56	word
3206679	无图 <p>Santosh Kunwar has officially announced his candidacy for President of the Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) Australia chapter ahead of the July 26 elections.</p><p>In a message shared through his social media platforms, Kunwar reflected on his over 10-year-long involvement with NRNA Australia. He highlighted his contributions towards the organisation’s sustainable development, transparency, and institutional strengthening.</p><p>Kunwar began his journey within NRNA as the secretary of the State Coordination Council. He went on to serve as state coordinator (2017–19), ICC member (2019–21), Oceania regional deputy coordinator (2021–23), and currently holds the position of general secretary.</p><p>“In this journey with NRNA, I’ve consistently worked to make the organisation more technology-friendly, transparent in financial matters, and well-coordinated with government agencies,” Kunwar wrote. He praised the current executive committee under President Anil Pokharel for elevating the institution’s profile and stated that he provided fair and committed support as general secretary.</p><p>As a presidential candidate, Kunwar announced that he has developed a special two-year action plan and promised to share detailed programmes soon.</p><p>Kunwar’s core agendas and election commitments focus on economic engagement, institutional strengthening, and inclusive community development.</p><p>He has pledged to promote diaspora investment in Nepal through NRNA forums, trade delegations, and advocacy for better investment policies. He aims to secure $2 million in state and federal grants by engaging with Australian government departments and establishing a dedicated grants and partnerships taskforce to support impactful projects. Strengthening multicultural initiatives across states, completing the Nepali Multicultural Centre, and mobilising funding from government and diaspora donors are part of his vision.</p> Santosh Kunwar announces candidacy for NRNA Australia presidency	查看 1938	加德满都邮报	2025-07-07 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206678	无图 <p>Shawlands</p><p>Shawlands is a Southside suburb of Glasgow, located two miles south of the River Clyde. It is known for its affordability, authentic community, growing student population, and independent shops and cafes. Regular bus services and train links connect it, and cycling is becoming increasingly popular.</p><p>Pros </p><p>The rents are affordable here compared to other places, which helps students save on accommodation costs. </p><p>Cons</p><p>It is located in the Southside of Glasgow, which means it is a bit farther from major universities like the University of Glasgow. </p><p>Finnieston</p><p>Finnieston is a lively and trendy area in Glasgow’s West End which blends urban energy with cultural charm. It is a popular choice among students as it’s a short walk to the University of Glasgow and Glasgow Caledonian University, making it convenient for daily commutes.</p> Affordable places for Nepali students in Glasgow	查看 891	加德满都邮报	2025-07-13 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206677	无图 <p>The National Music Awards 2025, organised by Radio Kantipur, honoured legendary musician Shambhujeet Baskota with the Lifetime Achievement Award on Saturday</p><p>Several other artists from across 14 diverse categories were honoured at the special function organised at the Godavari Sunrise Convention Centre.</p><p>One of the most touching moments of the event came with the presentation of the Lifetime Achievement Award to legendary composer Baskota, who was honoured for his decades-long contribution to Nepali music. </p><p>Born in 1957 in Panipokhari, Kathmandu, Baskota has composed music for over 355 Nepali films and more than 2,000 modern, folk, and devotional songs. </p><p>Kailash Sirohiya, chairman of Kantipur Media Group, Director Swastika Sirohiya, and Managing Director Sambhav Sirohiya honoured Baskota with the award.</p><p>Among the event’s major award winners, RC Rimal claimed Best Debut Singer for his heartfelt song “Je hunuthyo bhaisakyo”. In the Adhunik (modern) categories, Tika Prasain was awarded Best Singer (female) for “Ae Jindagi”, and Shiva Pariyar took home Best Singer (male) for “Chupchap”.</p><p>Bhushan Kharel won Best Lyricist for “Janchhau Bhane”, while Prakash Dutraj and Shanti Shree Pariyar earned accolades as Best Folk Singer (Male) and Best Folk Singer (Female), respectively, for “Karim” and “Timi ra ma jam maya”.</p><p>Pop sensation Sushant KC walked away with two awards—Best Pop Singer (male) and the prestigious People’s Choice Award, both for his hit song “Bardali”. Trishala Gurung received Best Pop Singer (female) for her vibrant track “Beach Vibes”.</p><p>In the playback singing category, Samikshya Adhikari won Best Playback Singer (female) for “Bujhina Maile” from the film Boksiko Ghar, while SD Yogi was named Best Playback Singer (male) for “Rukum Maikot” from the film Khushma.</p><p>For the first time, the Radio Kantipur awarded the Best Hip-hop and R&B category, which went to Brijesh Shrestha for his standout track “Mutuma Basera”. </p><p>The Best Band award was clinched by Kuma Sagar & The Khwopa Band, led by the popular Kuma Sagar, whose popularity among young audiences continues to rise.</p><p>The event featured energetic performances by Durgesh Thapa, Kuma Sagar, Swoopna Suman, Elena Chauhan, Asmita Adhikari, and Wangden Sherpa, along with comic segments by Sundar Khanal and Sujita Shrestha, adding to the celebration’s festive atmosphere.</p><p>The National Music Awards continues to recognise and uplift both emerging and established talents across genres, including pop, folk, playback, and hip-hop. </p><p>This year’s edition, blending heartfelt stories and high-calibre artistry, has once again affirmed the strength and diversity of Nepali music.</p> National Music Awards 2025: Shambhujeet Baskota honoured with Lifetime Achievement Award	查看 2748	加德满都邮报	2025-07-12 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206676	无图 <p>Padma Shri awardee and Nepali writer Sanu Lama has passed away. He died on Saturday morning while undergoing treatment in Siliguri. He was 85 years old. A few days before his death, he had fallen ill after getting wet in the rain and was admitted to a hospital.</p><p>Lama was born on June 15, 1939, in Sikkim. His birth name was Gadulsingh Lama, but he was popularly known in literary circles as Sanu Lama. Though he worked as an engineer by profession, he made a mark in Nepali literature as a short story writer, poet, and translator.</p><p>He published three collections of short stories: ‘Sampad’ (1971), ‘Jogika’ (1981), and ‘Mrigatrishna’ (1993). His stories were translated into several languages, including English, Hindi, Urdu, and Assamese.</p><p>Apart from stories, he wrote an autobiography titled ‘Himalchuli Muntira’, a travelogue ‘Aangan Paritira’, and a poetry collection ‘Jahan Bagchha Tista ra Rangeet’.</p><p>Throughout his life, Lama received several awards for his literary work, including the Sikkim Bhanu Puraskar, Dr Shovakanti Thegim Memorial Award, Madan Byakhanmala Award, and the Padma Shri—the fourth-highest civilian honour in India—which he was awarded in 2005 for his contribution to literature.</p> Padma Shri awardee writer Sanu Lama passes away	查看 1235	加德满都邮报	2025-07-12 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206675	无图 <p>The biggest musical extravaganza of the country delivered—and how—in its eighth edition.</p> Sushant KC, Shanti Shree Pariyar, and RC Rimal win big at National Music Awards 2025	查看 95	加德满都邮报	2025-07-13 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206674	无图 <p>Shilpee Theatre has begun its European tour with an opening performance of ‘Lost and Found’ at Cargo Theatre in Freiburg, Germany, on July 12. The show started a 40-day journey through Germany, Denmark, and Sweden, with 12 performances, six workshops, and a goal to build cultural bridges through theatre.</p><p>Communication Manager Rupesh Sah, overseeing the tour, calls it “a 40-day cultural journey that turns theatre into a bridge connecting Nepal and Europe.”</p><p>Directed by Ghimire Yubaraj, ‘Lost and Found’ addresses themes of statelessness, gender inequality, migration, and spiritual search. Performed in Nepali, the play includes projected English and German subtitles, which are displayed on screen using a projector during the performance. The play blends mythological and contemporary narratives to explore citizenship laws disproportionately affecting Nepali women.</p> Shilpee Theatre begins Europe tour with ‘Lost and Found’	查看 890	加德满都邮报	2025-07-14 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206673	无图 <p>On June 2, 2025, UML Chairman and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli launched what can only be described as a <i>jhole</i> campaign, an open call for unconditional loyalty to his words and actions. A poster featuring Oli against the backdrop of Nepal’s map and national flag proclaimed: <i>“</i>It is far more honourable to carry a bag for the country’s development and change than to be a slave of a feudal family.” Above it, a bold tagline declared: <i>“</i>I am jhole<i>.”</i> </p><p>The jhole culture, long present in the shadows, found public expression on that day. Its emergence coincided with the consolidation of Oli’s influence within his party and in national politics. Alongside his rise came a discernible erosion of democratic spirit. Oli displayed increasing intolerance towards dissent, preferring loyalty over dialogue. Even seemingly constructive disagreement often met with his displeasure, while public displays of allegiance, however irrational or opportunistic, were rewarded through patronage. Those who benefited from such proximity and submission became known—not without scorn—as jholes.</p><p>Faced with the growing backlash against this sycophantic culture, a prudent leader might have acknowledged its corrosive effects and sought to restore the space for reasoned debate, something central to <i>loktantra</i> (democracy). But Oli, a habitual rationaliser, with oratory dexterity, attempted instead to normalise and glorify it. His “I am jhole” slogan was not satire. It was a call to legitimise blind loyalty, celebrate conformity and shed the stigma of being a passive follower. If the Chairman is a jhole, the message implied, then no follower should feel ashamed to be one. In doing so, Oli sought to convert a pejorative into a badge of honour—reducing politics to a utilitarian, transactional exercise aimed at self-preservation for those at the top.</p><p>Within the UML, this culture is shielded by the doctrine of democratic centralism, a Leninist principle originally meant to ensure internal discipline after open deliberation, as in other left parties. In theory, decisions are made democratically. In practice, however, the Chairman’s preferences become party directives and final decisions. Any form of contestation—no matter how principled—is neither expected nor permitted. Democratic centralism, in such an environment, becomes a euphemism for authoritarianism cloaked in democratic procedure. The jhole campaign thus served not only to institutionalise obedience within the party but to normalise it across the broader political landscape.</p><p>Were Plato alive and rewriting <i>The Republic</i> today, he might well add a chapter on the ‘jhole turn’ of democracy. He would define the turn as a descent into sycophancy, where citizens’ moral compasses are surrendered to blind loyalty, lending force to his fear that democracies risk collapsing into tyranny when citizens exalt demagogues over principles. When personalities are placed above principles, Plato warned more than two millennia ago, the soul of the state begins to decay.</p><p>Nepal’s political predicament mirrors this very decline today. What once claimed to be a vibrant democracy is increasingly hollowed out by the rise of the jhole cult, particularly within the left, where ideological integrity has been replaced by cult-like obedience. This is not loyalty grounded in conviction. It is a calculated submission, where critical reasoning and moral agency are sacrificed for access, patronage and protection. In such a system, democratic ideals give way to ritualistic conformity, veneration replaces vision and justice descends into a theatre of flattery and fear.</p><p>The corrosion does not end with politics. It seeps into society’s moral consciousness, eroding the shared sense of responsibility and dulling the collective capacity for sympathy, empathy and solidarity with those in need. The latest example of this corrosion is evident in the transitional justice process, culminating in the formation of the third round of transitional justice commissions on May 14, 2025, following those in 2015 and 2020. From the selection of commissioners to the conduct of consultations, the process contradicted the foundational transitional justice principle of victim-centrism. Victims of the Maoist conflict, whose moral and legal claims should have been central, were, at best, tokenised and, at worst, deliberately marginalised. </p><p>The search committee, formed in October 2024 and reconstituted in March 2025 due to its failure to deliver on the task, was widely perceived as a political conduit. Victim groups have alleged that party leaders pre-approved the commissioner’s shortlist: Reportedly, four of the 10 appointees have ties to the UML, three to the Nepali Congress and three to the Maoists. This partisan allocation strips the process of its ethical grounding and instead represents a power-sharing exercise designed to placate political elites.</p><p>When a committee member from the National Human Rights Commission responded to victims’ concerns with the question, “Is it necessary to fail the government in every task?” (<i>Kantipur</i>, May 12), it betrayed the mindset that underpins the jhole culture. Criticism, particularly when voiced by those who have suffered rights violations, is not treated as a democratic right or moral imperative, but as an act of disloyalty. Even in matters as solemn as reckoning with war crimes and enforced disappearances, political loyalty is privileged over moral responsibility.</p><p>Justice is not merely procedural; at its heart, it is a moral constant. The concepts of right and wrong, good and bad, truth and accountability, pain and pleasure are civilisational contrasts that precede political ideas and institutions. A genuinely transformative transitional justice process must be rooted in these values. It must honour victims not merely through legal mechanisms but through an ethical commitment to truth, dignity and collective responsibility. Their yearning for justice should be treated as an entitlement, and their agency recognised as that of rights holders.</p><p>But when the jhole cult infiltrates even this domain, Nepal risks losing not only its democratic credibility, but its moral soul. The path forward requires more than institutional reform. It calls for a moral reckoning, a return to conscience over calculation, reason over blind allegiance and justice over loyalty. </p><p>As we neglect the civic virtue of collective sacrifice in service of the common good, we become complicit not only in the transactional commodification of human dignity but in the slow undoing of our moral conscience.</p> ‘Jhole’ cult and erosion of democratic morality	查看 6696	加德满都邮报	2025-07-13 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206672	无图 <p>Top leaders of the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML) sat down last Tuesday to assess the country’s situation. Among others, they discussed the repercussions of former President Bidhya Devi Bhandari’s return to party politics. </p><p>According to a newspaper report, NC leader Sher Bahadur Deuba told Prime Minister KP Oli that her return would harm democracy, federalism and the current political system. PM Oli, meanwhile, is reported to have said that the party is yet to take a decision on what has so far been a personal decision of a former President. </p><p>What was clear from the meeting was that both PM Oli, and NC leader Deuba see Bhandari’s return as a threat, not just to democracy, but also to their personal political ambitions.</p><p>The return of Bhandari to active politics appears to have shaken the current political dispensation.</p><p>Her re-entry is significant from at least two perspectives. First, it completely disrupts the geopolitical game in Nepal, and second, it interferes with the political settlement designed by the stalwarts of the two largest parties in Parliament, in collusion with each other. </p><p>The potential disruption in such political settlements, which have been working so well for their two leaders, poses the possibility of fundamental shifts in Nepal’s political trajectory. Unfortunately, these shifts may have an equal measure of positives as well as negatives.</p><p>First, let’s focus on the geopolitical game.</p><p>Nepali society appears to be polarised when it comes to Nepal’s relations with China, India and the West. Particularly, after 2015, anti-Indian nationalism has grown in Nepal encouraging the leftist political parties to edge closer to China. Although Nepal’s economic growth requires closer economic cooperation with India and the West, the political psychology of leftist and extreme rightist forces has made it difficult for Nepal to pursue that path.</p><p>Geopolitically, Bhandari’s re-entry could further polarise our society.</p><p>Bhandari’s preparations to re-enter politics have been going on for a long time now, and even when she was President, she took several controversial decisions to support the UML. However, the timing of her announcement, which took place immediately after her China visit, has raised questions about her relationship with China.</p><p>According to party insiders, China played a significant role in merging the UML and the CPN Maoist Centre in October 2017. While the rest of the country had quieted down for the Dashain holidays in October of that year, the two major leftist forces had made a surprise announcement—they were going to merge after the series of local and parliamentary elections in 2017. </p><p>The two parties formally merged in May 2018 as the Nepal Communist Party and became the largest party in the 275-member House of Representatives with 174 seats. The merger, however, could not last long. They formally reverted to their pre-merger state in March 2021, when the Supreme Court ruled that the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) registered with the Election Commission was illegitimate.</p><p>Nepal, once again, went back to its old ways of frequently changing governments.</p><p>During this period, China has intensified its political party diplomacy, and Bhandari’s group has been trying to spread the message that China endorses her as an eminent political leader of the UML.</p><p>China had formally invited Bhandari to take part in the fourth dialogue of its Global Civilisation Initiative in May. Interestingly, the GCI has close connections to China’s political party diplomacy. If we look at Xi Jinping’s statement in March 2023, where he announced the GCI, or his statement in July 2021, we see political diplomacy as an important tool of exporting China’s views about development and governance models. GCI is the central vehicle to conduct such political diplomacy.</p><p>Politicians with direct knowledge say that China still wants to see a united left force with the Nepali Congress offering a counterbalance on the other side. This initial two-party system, for the Chinese, could offer more political stability and predictability in Nepal’s policy-making.</p><p>In this sense, China’s courting of Bhandari as the flagship figure in its GCI-related activities in Nepal has significant implications.</p><p>Another arena where Bhandari’s politics could have an impact, if she is successful, is political settlement within and outside the UML.</p><p>In the UML, top political leaders are gradually moving away from the grassroots people who supported them in the old days. Differences of opinion are punished, to the extent that dissenting voices are censored.</p><p>Party leaders in UML point out at least three disturbing tendencies inside the party. The first is Oli’s increasingly autocratic behaviour, the second is his alienation of grassroots party workers who have historically contributed to the party, and the third is his alliance with a new group of people completely isolated from the party base.</p><p>Bhandari’s reentry is likely to rearrange power distribution within the party as many leaders and party workers disaffected by Oli are turning to her. Her swift rise as an alternative can, thus, be attributed to existing discontent in the party as well as her flaunting of close and intimate relations with China.</p><p>Nevertheless, even Bhandari does not appear to be able to address the deep-rooted problem in the party regarding the alienation of the party base, disruption of conventional democratic practices within the party, and alliance with individuals disconnected from the party base. This has led to low morale among the party workers who don’t see any prospect of the party’s democratic rejuvenation.</p><p>Bhandari’s return to politics, however, has shaken not only the UML but also the NC and the political arrangement that Deuba has orchestrated. </p><p>At present, political settlement among the top leaders, as well as a broader range of parties, is orchestrated by the partnership of Deuba and Oli. This collusive relation, among the two largest parties in the Parliament, is undermining democratic and constitutional processes even as the two share in the spoils of power and wealth extracted through the political arrangement.</p><p>At one point, this arrangement was threatened by the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the Rastriya Swatantra Party, who had been sidelined. But now, Bhandari’s party politics poses a threat to the arrangements the two leaders have worked out, including Deuba’s future premiership.</p> Upending politics and geopolitics	查看 6608	加德满都邮报	2025-07-13 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:11	word
3206671	无图 <p>On July 1, 2025, St Xavier’s School Jawalakhel began to celebrate its 75th year of existence. The mayor of Lalitpur Metropolitan City (LMC), Chiribabu Maharjan, was the chief guest at the event inaugurating the upcoming year of celebrations. Maharjan recalled how, in his childhood, as a student of another school in Lalitpur, he looked at the crisply dressed boys of St Xavier’s (StX) in wonder. </p><p>The founding moment</p><p>I graduated from StX in 1981. The folklore among graduates of the school regarding its founding is that Fr Marshall D Moran, then based at StX Patna, was invited by King Tribhuvan to start the school after the end of the Rana rule in February 1951. However, as the recent archival research (published in <i>Samaj Adhyayan</i>No 20) of two Martin Chautari researchers, Lokranjan Parajuli and Rukh Gurung, has shown, the series of decisions that led to the founding of the school can be traced back to at least 1946. After Padma Shamsher Rana became the new prime minister in November 1945, he took several initiatives during his 29-month tenure to demonstrate that he was open to limited reforms.</p><p>As Parajuli and Gurung note, a notice was published in the state-owned <i>Gorkhapatra</i> on June 28, 1946, stating that a residential public school was being planned at a “healthy location outside the city.” The notice further asked families interested in admitting their boys to such a school to contact the Director General of the Department of Education within 15 days. General education, religious education and arts education were described as being in the curricula. The proposed fees were about Rs100 per month, expensive for the time. Parajuli and Gurung note that an editorial published in <i>Gorkhapatra</i> on the same day suggested that households with modest incomes would not be able to benefit from the school.</p><p>The school was not founded during the reign of Padma. We do not know the reasons, but Parajuli and Gurung speculate that maybe not enough “demand” was declared after the notice was published. They also suggest that the simultaneous provisioning of Gandhi-inspired Basic Education might have meant that the boarding school idea did not receive adequate priority. </p><p>Padma was pushed out by his first cousins and eventually resigned. Mohan Shamsher succeeded him in April 1948. In October 1949, Fr Moran came to Kathmandu for about a month to supervise the exams at Tri Chandra (TC) College on behalf of Patna University, to which TC was affiliated then. He met with Mrigendra Shamsher (who looked after education) and PM Mohan to advocate his school idea. According to Moran’s biographer, Donald A Messerschmidt (<i>Moran of Kathmandu</i>, 1997), “he would comment … tactfully, to his hosts about the need for a good school.” Moran also used his free time to visit various places, looking for appropriate sites, and, during one such visit, identified Godavari as a good location for the school.</p><p>According to Parajuli and Gurung, another notice was published in <i>Gorkhapatra</i> on July 19, 1950. In the absence of such a school, families forced to send their boys to schools in India were reportedly facing duress. This notice recognised this duress and further stated that Mohan Shamsher had commissioned a study to gauge the demand for a residential school. The study seems to have gone on for about three months. Another notice was published in <i>Gorkhapatra</i> on November 3, 1950, stating that a residential public school would be opened in Godavari or a similar location, and those interested should submit their applications soon. According to Messerschmidt, Mrigendra Shamsher had already met Moran in Patna on November 1 to inform “him personally that…the government was ready to allow the Jesuits to start a school at Godavari.”</p><p>But rapid political developments precipitated the end of Rana regime. On February 18, 1951, a new government was formed. According to Messerschmidt, the new education minister sent a telegram to Moran asking him to “Come at once.” Moran came to Kathmandu for a short trip in March to start the process of repairing the Rana buildings in Godavari where the school would be housed. </p><p>According to Parajuli and Gurung, another notice was published in <i>Gorkhapatra</i> on April 13 saying students would be admitted to four grades (preparatory, grades 3, 4 and 5). It was further stated that the students would be taught the Senior Cambridge course. For the first time, the notice also revealed Moran’s involvement in the school. The fees were said to be Rs65 per month, which was still expensive. On June 25, 58 students were selected after interviews were conducted at Singha Durbar. A few students returned from Patna to continue their studies at StX Godavari, which began its classes on July 1, 1951. Two other boarding schools were also established in other parts of the Kathmandu Valley in 1951.</p><p>Hence, this new research suggests that broader dynamics were at play behind the founding of StX. As Parajuli and Gurung suggest, quite possibly Nepali elites wanted their sons to study in a school in Nepal so that they would not be exposed to potentially “deleterious” influences in a recently independent India rife with the violence of partition. They also suggest that the Nepali rulers were interested in preventing money from going abroad to cover educational expenses. </p><p>The changing dynamics</p><p>Early in their days here, the Jesuits who managed StX figured out they had to build a good relationship with the Royal Palace and Nepal’s other ruling elites if they wanted to run the school smoothly. While members of the royal family did not study at StX, they were frequently invited to visit the school. By the time I joined StX in the 1970s, StX had the reputation for being the best school for boys in the country. Sons of families that composed the elite class of Nepali society—top politicians, leading businessmen and high-level bureaucrats/security personnel—studied there. Kids of more modest social class backgrounds also studied there. Several StX graduates served in important positions in the Palace secretariat after Birendra became the king in 1972. Others were located in vital positions in the Panchayat state apparatus.</p><p>After the demise of the Panchayat System in 1990, two factors contributed to significant changes in StX’s “location” in Nepali society. First, many members of the founding group of North American Jesuits passed away or retired, and a younger group of Jesuits from India came to leadership positions in the school. The second factor was external. Economic and political liberalisation of the 1990s led to the founding of many new private schools across the country. These schools and the social signals they started to send better suited the neo-liberal desires of the times, and many of the elite began to send their children to these new private schools. </p><p>Although I do not know the inside story, it seems that after celebrating the golden jubilee in 2001, the new leaders of StX decided to seek a different constituency of students in their schools. The decision to convert StX into a co-educational school, to convert Godavari School into a separate high school, mainly catering to students from the locality and to keep the tuition fees comparatively low are all evidence that suggest as much. These decisions have not pleased some of the older graduates of StX, who are nostalgic for the times when the school was an institution for the sons of the country’s elites.</p><p>There will be occasions in the future to do a more in-depth analysis of the way the StX has benefited Nepal over the past three quarters of a century. For now, I celebrate 75 years of service that it has provided to Nepal.</p> St Xavier’s at 75	查看 7801	加德满都邮报	2025-07-13 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:10	word
3206670	无图 <p>As the KP Sharma Oli government completes a year in office on July 15, it is rocked by yet another corruption scandal, as a minister stands accused of accepting bribes in order to transfer civil servants. There must hardly have been a week in the past year that the government has not been a part of some controversy. Some opposition parties are still protesting in parliament asking for the resignation of the home minister over his alleged role in the ‘visit visa’ scam. Sure, it is nothing new for opposition parties in Nepal to try to pull down a government, sometimes from its first day in office. Yet many accusations tend not to stick, as those in the opposition bench have plenty to account for from their own time in government. But more and more of the mud flung the government’s way seems to be sticking. As we have written in this space multiple times of late, Prime Minister Oli must take the bulk of the blame for the unpopularity of his government. He has spent most of his time in office blaming the opposition and critics for all that is currently wrong with Nepal rather than doing something about it.</p><p>Civility has never been Oli’s strong suit, yet as the head of government he is expected to maintain some decorum in how he addresses his opponents and critics. But Oli continues to paint them as no more than crooks and criminals. The country’s prime minister also seems happy to live in his cocoon in Baluwatar and tune out people’s woes and complaints. He has meddled in the appointment of office bearers in universities, centralised powers at Singha Durbar, while his Cabinet is yet to make public their property details. This monsoon, none of the country’s major highways is fully functional. The government says inflation is under control, yet that is not the experience of common folks who continue to struggle to make ends meet. Nor has Oli shown interest in accommodating the protesters in Parliament. Even in his own CPN-UML party, disagreement with his rather authoritarian leadership style has grown so much that many of its senior leaders are now openly in favour of replacing him as chair with former President Bidya Devi Bhandari. </p><p>It takes breathtaking conceit on the part of Oli and his close circle not to see how unpopular they have become. His unpopularity is not limited to the opposition in Parliament. A random sampling of people on the street will suggest that most people are fed up with this government. The prime minister and his courtiers tend to focus on handpicked stats like low inflation rate and increase in exports to show their good work. But as the prime minister made one unpopular decision after another, at one point, people stopped caring about what he says or does. Many have concluded that Oli as prime minister can do no right. The more that Oli tries to weasel his way out of criticism by employing his usual maze of words, the more people will mistrust him. The government’s one-year report card looks abysmal. Do Oli and his courtiers have the gumption to internalise this hard truth?</p> Uncaring, unpopular	查看 3067	加德满都邮报	2025-07-14 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:10	word
3206669	无图 <p>The Madhesh Provincial Assembly on Monday passed its budget for the upcoming fiscal year amid the boycott of opposition lawmakers, drawing criticism for fast-tracking the appropriation bill without comprehensive legislative scrutiny.</p><p>The Rs46.98 billion budget, which was originally tabled on June 15 by Finance Minister Sunil Kumar Yadav, was endorsed unanimously despite the boycott of six opposition parties. </p><p>Opponents accused the government of bypassing parliamentary procedures and manipulating budget documents under the influence of middlemen.</p><p>Lawmakers from Janata Samajbadi Party-Nepal, CPN (Unified Socialist), CPN (Maoist Centre), Nepal Sanghiya Samajbadi Party, Rastriya Prajatantra Party, and Nagarik Unmukti Party abstained from the meeting in protest.</p><p>The provincial government pushed the appropriation bill-2025 through fast-track procedures, bypassing detailed discussion. Several sections of the bill were reportedly dropped due to time constraints. </p><p>The bill is scheduled to come into effect on July 17, marking the start of the new fiscal year.</p><p>Earlier in the day, opposition parties walked out following the collapse of a task force formed to investigate alleged discrepancies in the budget. </p><p>The committee was dissolved on Monday morning after disagreements surfaced over nearly Rs3 billion in off-book projects—approximately 8,000 plans—that critics claim were added without legislative approval.</p><p>Additional controversy emerged over the difference between the printed “red book” distributed to lawmakers and the version used in the government’s information system.</p><p>While a 461-page document was shared in the assembly, the digital system contained a 755-page version, fuelling concerns over hidden allocations.</p><p>Discontent was not limited to opposition ranks. Several lawmakers from ruling parties also voiced frustration over what they described as biased and opaque distribution of funds.</p><p>CPN-UML legislator Lakhan Das stated that most lawmakers—except ministers—were dissatisfied with the budget. He accused the education minister of disproportionately allocating resources to her own constituency, Mahottari-3(2), where 117 projects worth Rs410 million were reportedly concentrated. Many of these projects, he claimed, were designed to benefit NGOs.</p><p>Upendra Mahato of the ruling Loktantrik Samajbadi Party warned he would boycott the budget unless the complete 755-page red book was officially made available. </p><p>“How can we answer the people’s concerns when we are handed one version, but another exists in the system?” he said during the session.</p><p>Nepali Congress lawmaker Birendra Singh called the process a clear example of misgovernance.</p> Madhesh assembly passes annual budget amid opposition boycott	查看 2757	加德满都邮报	2025-07-14 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:10	word
3206668	无图 <p>Nepal’s bid to enlist Tilaurakot, the ancient capital of the Shakya kingdom and the palace where Siddhartha Gautam spent his princely life before he became the Buddha, on the UNESCO World Heritage list has ended in disappointment. The proposal was not approved during the 47th session of the World Heritage Committee underway in Paris, France.</p><p>Despite years of meticulous archaeological research and excavation, documentation and diplomatic lobbying, the proposal to list Tilaurakot (identified as the ancient Kapilvastu) was deferred by the committee based on a recommendation from the ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites), UNESCO’s primary advisory body for cultural heritage nominations.</p><p>Discussions began on Friday but failed to conclude, prompting a second round on Saturday morning. Ultimately, the proposal was not approved and no member country stepped forward with an amendment proposal in Nepal’s favour. Had even one nation done so, there might have been a chance of success, said a senior official from the Department of Archaeology, requesting anonymity. “It shows Nepal’s weak diplomatic initiatives to garner support in its bid to include Tilaurakot in the World Heritage Site,” said the official.</p><p>India’s Maratha Military Landscapes—also recommended for deferral by the ICOMOS—was eventually approved after Japan submitted a supporting amendment. In contrast, no such effort came forth for Tilaurakot.</p><p>“The result highlights Nepal’s weak heritage diplomacy. Despite sending a team led by Culture Minister Badri Prasad Pandey to Paris, our diplomatic engagement lacked effectiveness. Other countries like Japan and India have succeeded in pushing their sites forward through stronger international coordination,” said Sanuraja Shakya, member secretary of the Lumbini Development Trust.</p><p>Tilaurakot has long been a site of deep historical and religious significance. Excavations led by foreign and Nepali experts including British archaeologist Robin Coningham of Durham Univeristy—have revealed a walled settlement dating back to the 8th century BCE. Archaeological findings, such as structural remains, artifacts, and urban layout, match the descriptions of ancient Chinese pilgrims.</p><p>At the turn of the fifth century, travelling through South Asia, Chinese monk Faxian had described a flourishing city along what is today the Nepal-India border. Almost two hundred years later, Xuanzang, another Chinese monk and scholar, described seeing a similar flourishing kingdom.</p><p>Nepal formally submitted a nomination dossier for Tilaurakot on January 31 this year. Based on the findings and its historical as well as archaeological significance, Australian heritage expert Duncan Marshall with support from Coningham, Kai Weise, Yukio Nishimura, Yani Joshi and Basanta Bidari, prepared the nomination dossier for Tilaurakot. Marshall had previously prepared the nomination dossier for the Kathmandu Valley.</p><p>However, the ICOMOS raised several issues, recommending deferral. “ICOMOS goes into minute details. Unfortunately, we failed to address some key recommendations. This wasn’t a problem that could be solved by officials alone—it required coordinated state-level engagement,” said Himal Upreti, chief archaeology officer of Lumbini Development Trust.</p><p>Some observers also point to geopolitical tensions behind the scenes. India, a powerful UNESCO member with significant voting influence, has long been reluctant to acknowledge Tilaurakot as the definitive ancient Kapilvastu. Instead, it promotes Piprahwa and Ganwaria—archaeological sites near Siddharthnagar in Uttar Pradesh—as the Shakya capital.</p><p>“India’s reservations complicate matters,” said Gopi Krishna Sharma, a member of the Lumbini Development Trust. “Perhaps we should have pursued a joint trans-boundary nomination with India that included Tilaurakot, Piprahwa and Ganwaria. That would not only honour the shared heritage of the region but also strengthen the credibility and scope of the listing.”</p><p>Such trans-boundary World Heritage Sites do exist. The Wadden Sea, shared by the Netherlands, Germany, and Denmark, and Victoria Falls, recognised jointly by Zimbabwe and Zambia, serve as successful models of collaborative inscription.</p><p>Frustration is mounting among heritage experts and locals alike, who feel that three years of effort and significant investment have gone in vain. “Tilaurakot remains the most intact early Buddhist archaeological site in South Asia,” said senior archaeologist Bidari. “Science and history are on our side. Now it"s a matter of improving strategy, refining the nomination, and re-engaging diplomatically.”</p><p>UNESCO had placed Tilaurakot on its tentative World Heritage list in 1996. Since then, multiple attempts to elevate its status have failed. The nomination was revived in 2023 with renewed political and institutional support, but this session has again ended in frustration.</p><p>Despite the setback, experts stress that all is not lost. “Lumbini itself failed twice before being listed in 1997,” Bidari noted. “Persistence is key. Tilaurakot will find its place—if not today, then tomorrow.”</p><p>The current UNESCO session, running from July 6 to July 16, is reviewing 32 nominations, including 24 cultural sites, 7 natural, and 1 mixed site. While some nominations have succeeded, Tilaurakot’s case serves as a reminder that heritage recognition is not just about history and archaeology—but also diplomacy, politics, and perseverance.</p><p>An archaeological survey of Tilaurakot started in 2013 has unearthed evidence suggesting that the sites described by the two ancient travellers align with what has been buried underground for centuries. During excavations in Tilaurakot in 2015, archaeologists unearthed 494 ancient “punch mark” coins in an earthen pot. And in 2016, archaeologists had found remnants of houses, roads, walls and wells after three years of digging. Similarly, post holes were also found in the area during the earlier excavation.</p> Tilaurakot misses out on World Heritage Sites list	查看 6072	加德满都邮报	2025-07-14 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:10	word
3206667	无图 <p>The Nepal Stock Exchange (NEPSE) index declined by 35.09 points on Monday, closing at 2,725.71, down 1.27 percent from the previous session.</p><p>The drop follows a brief gain of 29 points on Sunday, the first trading day after the release of the central bank’s monetary policy.</p><p>According to NEPSE data, share prices of only 50 companies rose while 198 declined, indicating broad-based selling pressure. </p><p>The decline was led by losses in major subgroups, including banking, development banks, finance companies, microfinance, and mutual funds.</p><p>Monday’s session recorded 72,601 transactions, with a total of 21.1 million shares changing hands. </p><p>The day’s turnover stood at Rs8.17 billion, a significant drop of over Rs3.24 billion compared to Sunday’s turnover of Rs11.41 billion.</p> NEPSE sheds 35 points as turnover plunges to Rs8.17 billion	查看 811	加德满都邮报	2025-07-14 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:10	word
3206666	无图 <p>As the KP Sharma Oli-led government completes its first year in office on Monday, the optimism seen during its formation has been overshadowed by a string of unfulfilled commitments, stalled reforms, and growing public discontent.</p><p>It was one of the rare instances in Nepal that the two largest political parties—the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML—with historical rivalry and pole-opposite ideologies, joined hands to run the government citing extraordinary circumstances in the country.</p><p>Yet the government’s performance over the past year is marked more by inertia than impact.</p><p>Oli became prime minister after Pushpa Kamal Dahal failed to secure the House"s confidence in the June 12 floor test last year. President Ramchandra Paudel called upon parties to form a new government under Article 76 (2) of the constitution.</p><p>In an unusual political compromise, major competitors Congress and UML came together under a seven-point deal to bring out major reforms in governance. </p><p>One of the major promises was constitutional amendments to fix structural flaws in the electoral system and a renewed drive towards good governance.</p><p>A year later, these commitments remain largely unfulfilled.</p><p>The seven-point agreement, presented as the coalition’s major directive, has proven to be little more than a paper pact. The promised constitutional amendments to address “electoral and governance anomalies” have seen no progress.</p><p>Even a section of leaders from the ruling Congress party seem dissatisfied with the government’s functioning.</p><p>Several leaders from the largest party, during a recently concluded central working committee meeting, raised serious questions about the government’s failure to work as per the two-party agreement.</p><p>While many Congress leaders are critical of the government"s functioning, top leaders at the UML’s central secretariat meeting on June 25 reviewed the Oli-led government"s one year in office and deemed it ‘satisfactory’.</p><p>Political observers, however, view the government as a failure in delivering on its promises even with an overwhelming majority in the House of Representatives.</p><p>The coalition’s promise of good governance has faltered, said Chandra Dev Bhata, a political analyst. “Public frustration has grown over the administration’s inability to curb corruption, another central pledge of the seven-point deal.”</p><p>Investigations on corruption have stalled, accountability has eroded, and the perception of impunity has only deepened, he added.</p><p>The government’s foreign policy record has drawn criticism, particularly in managing Nepal’s delicate relationships with India and China. Relations with India remain below average, with no substantial diplomatic reset despite high-level meetings. The prime minister’s visit to India has not taken place in a year.</p><p>On the other hand, the much-publicised Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) implementation agreement signed during Prime Minister Oli’s visit to China in December last year has yet to be implemented.</p><p>Bhatta said the inaction suggests a gap between foreign commitments and domestic action.</p><p>Domestically, the Oli government has been embroiled in controversy. The decision to remove Kulman Ghising, the widely popular head of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA), triggered widespread backlash and raised concerns about political interference in public utilities.</p><p>But Mahesh Bartaula, the chief whip of UML, claims that despite criticisms, the government performed above average. Arguing that the ruling coalition has its inherent difficulties, Bartaula said there has been political stability.</p><p>For him, the country’s economy has been lifted. Last year, the government functioned under the budget brought by its predecessor. The main efficiency of this supposedly strong government will be tested during the implementation of the budget for the upcoming fiscal year. </p><p>With a stable government, the investment climate has become favourable, and foreign direct investment is coming, Bartaula said. “The investigative agencies have got a freehand, which has enabled them to probe individuals without care for the portfolios they held.”</p><p>The government attempted to introduce policy through ordinances. However, these efforts have done little to solve pressing governance issues. A case in point is the Cooperative Ordinance introduced in December, which proposed a National Cooperative Regulatory Authority to address the grievances of cooperative victims. Right since its formation, the authority has remained dysfunctional as the government has failed to appoint its chief and expert members. </p><p>The year was also beset by protests. One of the most significant challenges was teachers’ protest in April, led by the Nepal Teachers’ Federation (NTF). Teachers demanded job security, better pay and benefits, inclusion in social security, and a new School Education Bill that respects prior agreements and decentralises teacher management in a justified manner.</p><p>The strike caused massive disruptions to public schooling, delaying the academic calendar, postponing national exams, and stalling admissions across the country. After intense negotiations, the government and teachers reached a nine-point agreement on April 30, with commitments such as subsidised healthcare for teachers, sick leave provisions, and a promise to pass the bill by June 29.</p><p>However, despite this promise, the government has failed to pass the education bill, leaving teachers frustrated and doubting the government’s commitment to reform.</p><p>A royalist protest on March 28, organised by pro-monarchy groups, escalated into deadly clashes and widespread arson, resulting in the deaths of two people and damage to millions of rupees worth of public and private property.</p><p>The government faced heavy criticism for its inadequate response to the riots. The unrest was fuelled by disillusioned youths frustrated by what they perceived as ineffective governance.</p><p>The government has been embroiled in a visit visa scam, with Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak’s questionable oversight. </p><p>Despite opposition demand, particularly from the Rastriya Swatantra Party, for a parliamentary probe into the scandal, the government has largely ignored calls for accountability.</p><p>In an apparent attempt to address governance issues, Prime Minister Oli constituted a 15-member High-Level Governance Reform Recommendation Commission—also known as the Good Governance Commission—on April 21, with himself at the helm. Yet, the commission has convened only once since its inception, and the Prime Minister’s Office has yet to publish property details of the Cabinet members, raising questions about the government’s commitment to transparency.</p><p>On a positive note, instability in provincial governments during weaker coalitions previously has been curtailed under the current Congress-UML coalition, said Khimlal Devkota, an expert on federalism.</p><p>“Previously, even minor shifts in the central coalition led to the toppling of provincial governments, but this trend has been halted, providing some stability at the provincial level,” he added.</p><p>“However, the good governance that a strong majority government should have delivered under the federal structure has remained weak.”</p> Oli’s one year: Unfulfilled promises, misgovernance and public discontent	查看 7388	加德满都邮报	2025-07-14 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:10	word
3206665	无图 <p>Kailash Patel had waited years for this moment. Standing at the edge of the windswept tarmac in Simkot, a remote airport in northwestern Nepal, he looked tired but elated.</p><p>“After a long wait, I finally got to visit Kailash Manasarovar,” said Patel, a resident of Ghatkopar, a suburb in eastern Mumbai. “It was my life’s dream to visit the revered site once, and it came true.”</p><p>For Indian pilgrims like Patel, the Kailash Manasarovar yatra is not just a physical journey through some of the harshest terrain on earth—it’s a spiritual odyssey. Revered in Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism, Mount Kailash is the mythical abode of Lord Shiva. Pilgrims believe that completing the kora—a sacred 52-kilometre circuit around the mountain—can cleanse a lifetime’s sins.</p><p>The pilgrimage has resumed after a five-year pause, triggered first by Covid closures and then by geopolitical tensions. Following diplomatic talks in Beijing this January between Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Sun Weidong and Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, the two sides agreed to allow Indian nationals to travel to Tibet’s sacred pilgrimage site.</p><p>Beijing officially opened the doors in June, and within weeks, thousands of Indian pilgrims began arriving in Nepal. By the end of last week, over 1,200 Indian pilgrims—622 women and 649 men—had crossed the Hilsa border into China, according to Humla district police. </p><p>Over the weekend alone, around 1,300 more pilgrims reached Simkot via Nepalgunj, Nepal’s southwestern transit city. They came in large numbers from north India and Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka.</p><p>Govind Gupta, a resident of Uttar Pradesh, had just returned from the pilgrimage.</p><p>“My long-held wish was fulfilled, and the warmth and hospitality of the locals in Nepal made it even better,” he said. “I hope Lord Shiva will grant our prayers.”</p><p>For Gupta and many others, the route through Hilsa is easier and shorter than the Kerung border, which was recently cut off by landslides and flooding.</p><p>The Nepalgunj-Simkot-Hilsa route, though shorter, is also one of the most expensive. </p><p>From Nepalgunj, pilgrims take small planes to Simkot, where helicopters shuttle them to the remote Hilsa border. There, jeeps wait to cross into Tibet and proceed to Taklakot (or Purang), the first town across the Chinese side.</p><p>A helicopter can make up to 15 daily trips, but with only four passengers per flight, the costs and logistical challenges pile up.</p><p>On Friday alone, 82 flights were operated by Tara, Sita, and Summit Airlines between Nepalgunj and Simkot.</p><p>“Right now, the airport is overwhelmed,” said Mahendra Bahadur Singh, chief of Simkot Airport. “Only six aircraft can park here at a time. We have just one air traffic controller managing all this, and the terminal is too small to accommodate waiting passengers. We’re facing issues with basic facilities like toilets, drinking water, and Wi-Fi.”</p><p>Helicopters from Simrik, Fishtail, Mountain, Prabhu, and Kailash operate at full capacity. “Everyone wants to fly to Hilsa as the roads are in bad shape,” said Kamala Gautam, manager of Simrik Airlines. “But with limited capacity and unpredictable weather, we’re constantly struggling to keep up.”</p><p>Despite these challenges, Humla’s mood is upbeat. </p><p>The region’s tourism-dependent economy shows signs of life for the first time in five years. “Humla’s tourism was in a coma for nearly five years,” said tourism entrepreneur Mim Lama. “Now, we’re seeing 200 to 1,000 pilgrims a day.”</p><p>Vijay Lama, who runs the Vijay Hotel in Simkot, said all rooms in his hotel were booked for the next three weeks. “We serve local cuisine,” he said. “Most pilgrims stay one night in Simkot before heading to Hilsa and then on their way back.”</p><p>The same is true in Hilsa, where nearly three dozen hotels are fully occupied.</p><p>In the years when the pilgrimage was banned, Nepali operators tried to keep the spirit alive by offering distant darshan (views) of Manasarovar and Mt Kailash from Lapcha in Namkha Rural Municipality. Some Indian pilgrims even took mountain flights to take a glimpse of the sacred lake and Kailash, a dome-like, distinctive peak in the Tibetan Plateau.</p><p>But the revival of the full yatra has reinvigorated the local economy far beyond just hotel operators.</p><p>Pilgrims have created a booming market for local products. They often return home with walnuts, beans, and hemp seeds, giving a market boost to local agriculture. Tour operators have rolled out a package of Rs2,500 per person, including meals and accommodation for one night.</p> Kailash pilgrims breathe new life into Nepal’s mountain economy	查看 4648	加德满都邮报	2025-07-14 00:00:00 2025-07-15 00:13:10	word
3206664	无图 <p>DILI, 11 July 2025 (TATOLI) – Timor-Leste has officially delivered a letter to the Government of Myanmar in relation to its ongoing bid to join the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).</p><p>The letter was delivered by Timor-Leste’s Ambassador to Malaysia, Lisualdo Gaspar, to Aung Kyaw Moe, the Permanent Secretary of Myanmar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The handover took place on the sidelines of the 58th ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, held at the Kuala Lumpur Convention Centre in Malaysia.</p><p>Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Bendito Freitas, confirmed the submission was made in response to a formal request from the Myanmar authorities, within the framework of Timor-Leste’s ASEAN integration process. He said, however, that the contents of the letter remain confidential until an official response is received.</p><p>“Today, we send the letter, as requested by Myanmar’s authorities, through our Embassy in Kuala Lumpur. The content was prepared in coordination with the Minister of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, Agio Pereira. At this stage, we cannot disclose further details, as we are awaiting Myanmar’s response,” Minister Freitas said in a statement. </p><p>He added that the letter reaffirms Timor-Leste’s commitment to core values, including democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.</p><p>“The letter underscores our firm adherence to the principles that guide our foreign policy — justice, democracy, and human rights — and reiterates our position regarding ASEAN membership,” he concluded.</p><p>Journalist: Camilio de Sousa</p><p>Editor: Filomeno Martins</p> Timor-Leste Delivers Letter to Myanmar as Part of ASEAN Accession Process - TATOLI Agência Noticiosa de Timor-Leste	查看 1630	塔托利新闻社	2025-07-11 22:24:48 2025-07-15 00:02:11	word
3206663	无图 <p>DILI, 12 July 2025 (TATOLI) — Through its subsidiary, Ti-oan Company, ETO Group has awarded a $100,000 bonus to the players of Timor-Leste’s national women’s football team.</p><p>“This isn’t the first time we’ve given a bonus—previously we did so for the men’s team. This marks the second time we’re supporting the women’s team,” Ti-oan representative Edmundo Freitas Lopes said during the bonus handover ceremony at the Timor-Leste Football Federation (FFTL) building in Formosa on Saturday.</p><p>The company’s initiative aims to motivate and uplift the national women’s team.</p><p>“We want to recognize the women’s team for their achievements in recent matches,” he added.</p><p>He encouraged the team to continue delivering strong performances in upcoming international events to help elevate Timor-Leste’s name on the global stage.</p><p>João Soares Amaral, Director of National Team Services at FFTL, expressed gratitude to ETO Group and its subsidiary Ti-oan for their continued support.</p><p>“This gesture acknowledges the efforts our players have made in past matches and is intended to further motivate our athletes across the country to strive for excellence in the future,” he said.</p><p>Dolores Verdiana da Silva Costa, a representative of the national women’s team, shared her appreciation for the support, noting that it would help meet the team’s needs and improve facilities to develop their football talents.</p><p>“I’m hopeful that this support will continue and lead to even better results when we participate in future international events,” she said.</p><p>Previously, the senior national women’s team competed in the AFC Women’s Asian Cup Australia 2026 qualifiers, placed in Group B alongside Thailand, India, Mongolia, and Iraq. Timor-Leste ranked third in the group with 4 points.</p><p>Thailand hosted the Group B matches at Chiang Mai Stadium.</p><p>Under the leadership of head coach Emral Bustamam and his assistants, the team played in Thailand on June 23: Timor-Leste vs. Iraq — 1-1 draw; June 26: Timor-Leste vs. Thailand — 0-4 loss; June 29: Timor-Leste vs. India — 0-4 loss; July 5: Timor-Leste vs. Mongolia — 3-1 win</p><p>The team returned to Timor-Leste on July 7, 2025.</p><p>Journalist : Nelson de Sousa </p><p>Editor : Julia Chatarina </p><p>Translation: Rafael Ximenes de A. Belo</p> Ti-oan company offers $100,000 to the National Women’s Football Team - TATOLI Agência Noticiosa de Timor-Leste	查看 2331	塔托利新闻社	2025-07-12 07:48:16 2025-07-15 00:02:11	word
3206662	无图 <p>DILI, 12 July 2025 (TATOLI) – The Football Federation of Timor-Leste (FFTL) officially launched Timor-Leste Women’s Football Strategic Plan 2025–2028 on Saturday at Hotel Timor in Dili.</p><p>Through this plan, FFTL aims to transform women’s football into a professionally managed and widely recognized sport that inspires and empowers the next generation of female players, coaches, and leaders.</p><p>FFTL representative Domingos Cairo said the new plan is designed to align with the federation’s broader strategic goals, aiming to establish a strong foundation for women’s football and increase participation across all age groups—from grassroots to senior level—in line with key objectives set by the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) and FIFA.</p><p>“In the next four years, we aim to increase female participation in football and ensure equal opportunities for girls and women at both domestic and international levels. By 2027, we hope to establish a strong National Youth League and introduce grassroots football programs in schools. This strategic plan sets out clear goals, action plans, and operational objectives to achieve these targets,” Cairo said. </p><p>He added that the strategic roadmap focuses on growing the women’s game nationwide, emphasizing participation, opportunity, and representation: “FFTL’s mission is to create opportunities for girls and women in Timor-Leste to grow through football and pursue careers in the sport.”</p><p>FFTL staff expert Lígia Magno also outlined the plan’s four strategic pillars: Develop and Grow, Educate and Empower, National Team Development, and League Development: “Our strategy emphasizes collaboration with stakeholders, media engagement, and investments in both infrastructure and education.”</p><p>Among those present at the launch were FFTL General Secretary José Adilson de C. Ribeiro, club representatives, women players, coaches, FFTL staff, and a number of distinguished guests.”</p><p>Journalist: Camilo de Sousa</p><p>Editor: Filomeno Martins</p> FFTL Launches Women Football Strategy 2025–2028 - TATOLI Agência Noticiosa de Timor-Leste	查看 2023	塔托利新闻社	2025-07-12 17:37:37 2025-07-15 00:02:11	word

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